Donald Joannes1

M, #32011
Father*Peter Joannes1 b. April, 1889
Mother*Etta Joannes1 b. circa 1893

Citations

  1. [S5815] 1930 U.S. Federal Census (Population Schedule), Peter Joannes household.

Joseph Shotwell1

M, #32012, b. June 20, 1710, d. April 8, 1787
Father*John R. Shotwell1 b. 1686, d. August 15, 1762
Mother*Mary Brown Thorn1 b. June 22, 1686, d. January 11, 1768
     Joseph Shotwell, son of John R. Shotwell and Mary Brown Thorn, was born on June 20, 1710 in Elizabeth Township, Rahway, Burlington County, New Jersey Colony.1
Joseph died on April 8, 1787 at Elizabeth Township in Rahway, Burlington County, New Jersey, at age 76.1

Citations

  1. [S5819] Family Tree titled "Stacey Family Tree," Ancestry World Tree.

John Shotwell1

M, #32013, b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Father*John R. Shotwell1 b. 1686, d. August 15, 1762
Mother*Mary Brown Thorn1 b. June 22, 1686, d. January 11, 1768
     He probably built what is known as the Piatt Cottage located near the ancient inn, on East Front street, Scotch Plains, New Jersey. It is the only dwelling in that neighborhood which still retains its native simplicity and charm.2 John Shotwell, son of John R. Shotwell and Mary Brown Thorn, was born on September 3, 1712 in Shotwell's Landing, Rahway, Union County, New Jersey Colony.1
John married Elizabeth Smith, daughter of Shobal Smith and Prudence Fitz Randolph, on January 11, 1735 at Woodbridge, Middlesex County, New Jersey Colony.3
John married Grace Webster, daughter of William Webster and Susannah Cowperthwaite, in 1743.3
John died in 1779 in Plainfield, Essex County, New Jersey.1

Family 1

Elizabeth Smith b. June 15, 1718, d. 1793
Child

Family 2

Grace Webster b. November 4, 1725
Children

Citations

  1. [S5819] Family Tree titled "Stacey Family Tree," Ancestry World Tree.
  2. [S5818] Robert V. Hoffman, Another Olde Towne Scrapbook.
  3. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Elizabeth Shotwell1

F, #32014, b. February 9, 1715, d. April 17, 1736
Father*John R. Shotwell1 b. 1686, d. August 15, 1762
Mother*Mary Brown Thorn1 b. June 22, 1686, d. January 11, 1768
     Elizabeth Shotwell, daughter of John R. Shotwell and Mary Brown Thorn, was born on February 9, 1715 in Elizabeth Township, Rahway, Burlington County, New Jersey Colony.1
Elizabeth died on April 17, 1736 at Elizabeth Township in New Jersey Colony, at age 21.1

Citations

  1. [S5819] Family Tree titled "Stacey Family Tree," Ancestry World Tree.

Mary Shotwell1

F, #32015, b. February 9, 1717, d. October 20, 1805
Father*John R. Shotwell1 b. 1686, d. August 15, 1762
Mother*Mary Brown Thorn1 b. June 22, 1686, d. January 11, 1768
     Mary Shotwell, daughter of John R. Shotwell and Mary Brown Thorn, was born on February 9, 1717 in Elizabethtown, Union County, New Jersey Colony.1
Mary died on October 20, 1805 at Elizabeth Township in Rahway, Burlington County, New Jersey, at age 88.1

Citations

  1. [S5819] Family Tree titled "Stacey Family Tree," Ancestry World Tree.

Abraham Shotwell1

M, #32016, b. May 8, 1719, d. April 4, 1801
Father*John R. Shotwell1 b. 1686, d. August 15, 1762
Mother*Mary Brown Thorn1 b. June 22, 1686, d. January 11, 1768
     Abraham Shotwell, son of John R. Shotwell and Mary Brown Thorn, was born on May 8, 1719 in Shotwell's Landing, Rahway, Union County, New Jersey Colony.1
Abraham died on April 4, 1801 at Elizabeth Township in Rahway, Burlington County, New Jersey, at age 81.1

Citations

  1. [S5819] Family Tree titled "Stacey Family Tree," Ancestry World Tree.

Jacob Shotwell1

M, #32017, b. June 14, 1721, d. August 14, 1793
Father*John R. Shotwell1 b. 1686, d. August 15, 1762
Mother*Mary Brown Thorn1 b. June 22, 1686, d. January 11, 1768
     Jacob Shotwell, son of John R. Shotwell and Mary Brown Thorn, was born on June 14, 1721 in Elizabeth Township, Rahway, Burlington County, New Jersey Colony.1
Jacob died on August 14, 1793 at Elizabeth Township in Rahway, Burlington County, New Jersey, at age 72.1

Citations

  1. [S5819] Family Tree titled "Stacey Family Tree," Ancestry World Tree.

Samuel Shotwell1

M, #32018, b. December 20, 1723, d. October 6, 1777
Father*John R. Shotwell1 b. 1686, d. August 15, 1762
Mother*Mary Brown Thorn1 b. June 22, 1686, d. January 11, 1768
     Samuel Shotwell, son of John R. Shotwell and Mary Brown Thorn, was born on December 20, 1723 in Shotwell's Landing, Rahway, Union County, New Jersey Colony.1
Samuel died on October 6, 1777 at Elizabeth Township in Rahway, Burlington County, New Jersey, at age 53.1

Citations

  1. [S5819] Family Tree titled "Stacey Family Tree," Ancestry World Tree.

Benjamin Shotwell1

M, #32019, b. March 23, 1726, d. July 15, 1793
Father*John R. Shotwell1 b. 1686, d. August 15, 1762
Mother*Mary Brown Thorn1 b. June 22, 1686, d. January 11, 1768
     Benjamin Shotwell, son of John R. Shotwell and Mary Brown Thorn, was born on March 23, 1726 in Shotwell's Landing, Rahway, Union County, New Jersey Colony.1
Benjamin died on July 15, 1793 at Shotwell's Landing in New Jersey Colony, at age 67.1

Citations

  1. [S5819] Family Tree titled "Stacey Family Tree," Ancestry World Tree.

Grace Webster1

F, #32020, b. November 4, 1725
Father*William Webster1
Mother*Susannah Cowperthwaite1
     Grace Webster, daughter of William Webster and Susannah Cowperthwaite, was born on November 4, 1725 in Woodbridge, Middlesex County, New Jersey Colony.1
Grace married John Shotwell, son of John R. Shotwell and Mary Brown Thorn, in 1743.1

Family

John Shotwell b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Children

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Elizabeth Smith1

F, #32021, b. June 15, 1718, d. 1793
Father*Shobal Smith1
Mother*Prudence Fitz Randolph1
     Elizabeth Smith, daughter of Shobal Smith and Prudence Fitz Randolph, was born on June 15, 1718 in Woodbridge, Middlesex County, New Jersey Colony.1
Elizabeth married John Shotwell, son of John R. Shotwell and Mary Brown Thorn, on January 11, 1735 at New Jersey Colony.1
Elizabeth died in 1793.1

Family

John Shotwell b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Child

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Shobal Smith1

M, #32022
     Shobal married Prudence Fitz Randolph.1

Family

Prudence Fitz Randolph
Child

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Prudence Fitz Randolph1

F, #32023
     Prudence married Shobal Smith.1

Family

Shobal Smith
Child

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

William Webster1

M, #32024
     William married Susannah Cowperthwaite.1

Family

Susannah Cowperthwaite
Child

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Susannah Cowperthwaite1

F, #32025
     Susannah married William Webster.1

Family

William Webster
Child

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Susannah Shotwell1

F, #32026, b. 1744
Father*John Shotwell1 b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Mother*Grace Webster1 b. November 4, 1725
     Susannah Shotwell, daughter of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, was born in 1744 in Plainfield, Essex County, New Jersey Colony.1

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Jacob Shotwell1

M, #32027, b. August 29, 1746, d. December 15, 1815
Father*John Shotwell1 b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Mother*Grace Webster1 b. November 4, 1725
     Jacob Shotwell, son of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, was born on August 29, 1746 in Plainfield, Essex County, New Jersey Colony.1
Jacob died on December 15, 1815 in Plainfield, Essex County, New Jersey, at age 69.1

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

William Shotwell1

M, #32028, b. 1748, d. 1841
Father*John Shotwell1 b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Mother*Grace Webster1 b. November 4, 1725
     William Shotwell, son of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, was born in 1748.1
William died in 1841.1

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Isaiah Shotwell1

M, #32029, b. 1749, d. 1832
Father*John Shotwell1 b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Mother*Grace Webster1 b. November 4, 1725
     Isaiah Shotwell, son of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, was born in 1749.1
Isaiah died in 1832.1

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

James Shotwell1

M, #32030, b. 1752, d. 1795
Father*John Shotwell1 b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Mother*Grace Webster1 b. November 4, 1725
     James Shotwell, son of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, was born in 1752.1
James died in 1795.1

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Sarah Shotwell1

F, #32031, b. 1756, d. 1841
Father*John Shotwell1 b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Mother*Grace Webster1 b. November 4, 1725
     Sarah Shotwell, daughter of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, was born in 1756.1
Sarah married Ralph Smith before 1778.1
Sarah married Captain William Piatt, son of John Piatt and Frances Van Vliet, on December 14, 1778.1 Her husband, William, died on November 4, 1791 at age 48.1
Shortly after William's death Sarah sold the Piatt Cottage to David Vail Jr, he sold it back to the Shotwells in September, 1809.2
Sarah married Edward Murray after 1791.1
Sarah died in 1841.1

Family 1

Ralph Smith

Family 2

Captain William Piatt b. October 1, 1743, d. November 4, 1791
Children

Family 3

Edward Murray

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.
  2. [S5818] Robert V. Hoffman, Another Olde Towne Scrapbook.

Mary Shotwell1

F, #32032, b. after 1743
Father*John Shotwell1 b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Mother*Grace Webster1 b. November 4, 1725
     Mary Shotwell, daughter of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, was born after 1743.

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Elizabeth Shotwell1

F, #32033, b. after 1744
Father*John Shotwell1 b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Mother*Grace Webster1 b. November 4, 1725
     Elizabeth Shotwell, daughter of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, was born after 1744.

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Martha Shotwell1

F, #32034, b. after 1743
Father*John Shotwell1 b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Mother*Grace Webster1 b. November 4, 1725
     Martha Shotwell, daughter of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, was born after 1743.

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Hugh Shotwell1

M, #32035, b. 1764, d. 1854
Father*John Shotwell1 b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Mother*Grace Webster1 b. November 4, 1725
     Hugh Shotwell, son of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, was born in 1764.1
Hugh died in 1854.1

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

John Smith Shotwell1

M, #32036, b. December 8, 1738, d. April 30, 1801
Father*John Shotwell1 b. September 3, 1712, d. 1779
Mother*Elizabeth Smith1 b. June 15, 1718, d. 1793
     John Smith Shotwell, son of John Shotwell and Elizabeth Smith, was born on December 8, 1738 in Scotch Plains, Union County, New Jersey Colony.1
John died on April 30, 1801 at age 62.1

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Ralph Smith1

M, #32037
     Ralph married Sarah Shotwell, daughter of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, before 1778.1

Family

Sarah Shotwell b. 1756, d. 1841

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.

Captain William Piatt1

M, #32038, b. October 1, 1743, d. November 4, 1791
Father*John Piatt2
Mother*Frances Van Vliet2
     Captain William Piatt, son of John Piatt and Frances Van Vliet, was born on October 1, 1743 in Somerset County, New Jersey Colony.1 He was christened William on October 1, 1743 at New Jersey Colony.1
William married Jemima Quick on June 24, 1774 at Somerset County, New Jersey.1
He fought during the revolutionary war at Trenton, Princeton, Monmouth and in the siege of Yorktown which resulted in Cornwallis' surrender.3
William married Sarah Shotwell, daughter of John Shotwell and Grace Webster, on December 14, 1778.1
A “New and Strange Order of Men” By EDWIN A. HOEY
On the morning of May 13, 1783, a group of officers of the Continental Army gathered at Verplanck House near the Hudson River village of Fishkill, New York. The house, built of stone in the Dutch style, was headquarters for General Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben, the Prussian professional who had done so much to train and reorganize Washington’s Revolutionary army. As the senior officer present, Baron von Steuben presided.
The meeting’s moving force, however, was Major General Henry Knox, Chief of Artillery for the Continental Army. For some years Knox had been thinking about a ribbon that veterans might wear to show they had fought for the liberty of their nation. He envisaged a badge or memento that could be passed proudly from generation to generation.
Now Knox’s dream was nearing fulfillment. In April he had sketched out an organization and made a rough draft of its rules; then he had checked his ideas with other officers of the Army, which was camped for the winter around Newburgh, New York. Encouraged by their reactions, he arranged for meetings in May to shape his proposed society. Now, at Verplanck House, a charter was discussed and unanimously approved by all present. America’s first veterans’ group had been formed.
The Society of the Cincinnati, as the new organization was called, was not destined for obscurity. Before the end of the critical period between 1783 and 1790, it would touch off an international furor and shake the wobbly foundations of the new American republic. Along the way it would embarrass George Washington, distress John Adams, alarm Thomas Jefferson, amuse Benjamin Franklin, and in some way stir the lives of nearly all leading Americans.
None of the officers assembled at Verplanck House could foresee any of this, of course. They had more immediate concerns, and one was the disbanding of their army. Cornwallis had surrendered at Yorktown nearly two years before, and American ministers in Europe had been negotiating the peace settlement. With the day of separation coming on, Washington’s officers wished simply to preserve the camaraderie established by the war and to help ensure that the ideals for which they had fought would be realized.
And there were other considerations. To put it baldly, many officers had financial worries. The Continental Congress had been lax about its soldiers’ pay, and the future for many was uncertain. Some, like George Washington, could rely on private resources; others were in straits. Von Steuben himself was a case in point. After the surrender at Yorktown, highranking officers of the American, French, and British forces competed at entertaining each other—except for von Steuben. He had already given up his watch to pay the doctor’s bill of his aide-de-camp. Humiliated because he could not be even a moderate host, he tried selling his favorite horse. “We are, God knows, miserably poor,” the Baron complained. “We are constantly feasted by the French without giving them even a bit of bratwurst.” Telling his aide to “take my silver spoons and forks and sell them,” he declared: “I will give one grand dinner to our allies, should I eat my soup with a wooden spoon forever after.”
Finding themselves in similar trouble, many officers were in a lean and dangerous mood. In the winter of 1782–83 they had circulated two “addresses” protesting the “coldness and severity” of their treatment by Congress. Mutiny had hovered over the Newburgh encampment, and Washington had been compelled to warn Congress that “the patriotism and long suffering of this army are well-nigh exhausted.” In the end, only the General’s powerful personality, together with an eloquent appeal to his men’s sense of duty, had calmed the winds of discontent.
But the basic matter of money—and the inability or reluctance of Congress to provide it—remained. It was natural, then, for officers to band together to protect their common interests. If Congress had been remiss on salaries, it could now at least be gracious enough to provide pensions or other financial security for America’s out-of-work soldiers. And what Congress did not provide could be made up by an organization that would help those in need.
Were social ties and mutual worries the only considerations at Verplanck House? It is impossible not to assign mundane motives to most of those present, but they were idealistic, too, and this came through at least in the name they chose for their new society.
In the fifth century B.C., Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus left his farm to lead his fellow Romans in victorious battle against invading enemies. Then Cincinnatus set a precedent for future civilian-soldiers by rejecting the Senate’s offer of civil power and returning to furrow and family. To men imbued with the neoclassic spirit of the late eighteenth century, Cincinnatus must have had a special appeal. The Revolutionary officers honored his name and example by calling their organization the Society of the Cincinnati.
In view of the simple virtues that the name implied, it is perhaps unfortunate that Henry Knox played an important role in drawing up the Cincinnati’s charter. Timothy Pickering, Quartermaster General and himself a member of the society, would later remark that Knox’s language “bore the marks of his pomposity.” Even the charter’s title had a solemn ring; it was called the “Institution.”
Knox had dreamed of a distinguishing insignia for veterans, and the Institution provided for one. A medal, or badge, of gold would be struck. It would hang from a blue ribbon edged with white, thus uniting the colors of America and France. On one side the medal would show Cincinnatus being presented with a sword by three senators, his wife and plow waiting discreetly in the background. The other side would depict the farmer-hero being crowned with a wreath by Fame. Major Pierre Charles L’Enfant, lately of the Continental Corps of Engineers, won the commission to design the society’s certificate of membership and badge. L’Enfant chose the American bald eagle for the basic design of the medal.
With the groundwork laid, the founders now needed a president general, as their leader was to be called. The choice was obvious: George Washington was unanimously elected at the Verplanck meeting. Generals Knox, von Steuben, and William Heath were asked to call on Washington and request his acceptance. They did so, and at Newburgh on May 20 the General agreed to serve.
In money-conscious New England, the prospect of military influence in financial affairs touched off a display of Yankee fireworks. Some citizens stoutly defended the idea of government aid to officers. Others were vehemently opposed. Citizens using such pseudonyms as “An Officer,” “An Impartial Farmer,” “A Continentalist,” and “Cives” had at each other in the press. Signing himself “Honorius,” young Noah Webster took time off from his words to support government subsidies for Continental officers, but the town meeting of Killingworth, Connecticut, pointed out cantankerously that the first Cincinnatus had not felt compelled to retire on government funds. A statewide convention at Middletown—called expressly to consider the Cincinnati problem and keep watch on this “new and strange order of men”—commended Burke’s pamphlet “to the notice and perusal of the people at large.”
In Rhode Island things were not much better. Nathanael Greene, president of the state society, conceded that his order was “thought to contain dangerous designs, pregnant with mischief, and…ruinous to the people.” In fact, rumor soon spread that Rhode Island’s legislature had disenfranchised society members and had banned them from “holding any post of honour and trust” in its government. Although archives of the state record no such law, the rumor was widely accepted as fact.
Clearly something had to be done to ease popular suspicions and end the divisive conflict. With a general meeting of the society scheduled for May of 1784 in Philadelphia, Washington decided to act. He went over the Institution line by line and wrote out a set of revisions meant, he noted, to “strike out every word, sentence and clause which has a political tendency.” At the same time, he tried to enlist support for the coming convention. In one letter after another he urged Nathanael Greene to attend the meeting and use his prestige on the side of change. But Greene had political ambitions, and perhaps these pushed him toward discretion. He wrote to Washington: “The Doctor thinks my life would be endangered by attempting to cross the Water, and my pain in my stomach increased by riding by land.” This bad news was balanced by word from Henry Knox, who agreed that the Institution would have to be revised. Determined to end the nation’s cause for alarm, Washington left Mount Vernon at the end of April on his first long trip since the war’s end.
Philadelphia welcomed him as a national hero, and his former officers showed themselves ready to accept his leadership. Speaking “warmly and in plain language,” Washington persuaded the delegates to adopt a set of important changes in the Institution. After much debate, the convention voted to abolish both hereditary descent and honorary membership. It also decided to stop the political correspondence among state societies. The delegates agreed to wear society badges only at meetings, funerals of members, or in Europe, where they seemed more appropriate.
These concessions might have put an end to Washington’s worries except for one circumstance. The Institution, modelled on the Articles of Confederation, had no provision for amendments. Before the changes could take effect, all thirteen of the state societies and the one in France as well had to ratify them. Three did so. Three refused. The remaining eight, including the one in France, first voted for revisions and then decided to support the original Institution. The changes were disallowed. Fortunately for the order, the state societies were slow in voting; the rejection was not soon apparent. Washington did not learn that his reforms had been rejected until late in 1785. In December he expressed his irritation about the matter to Alexander Hamilton. His enthusiasm for the Cincinnati was at its lowest point, and he resolved to remain its nominal leader but to withdraw from its workings as much as possible.
Then fate intervened. A second general meeting of the society was set for Philadelphia in 1787—just, it developed, when the Constitutional Convention would be meeting to seek a more workable form of government. Washington had already notified the society that he would not be able to attend, giving rheumatism and pressing private affairs as his excuse. But now Jefferson, Madison, and Edmund Randolph were strongly urging his presence at the Constitutional Convention.
To a man of Washington’s convictions, the overlapping conventions brought an agonizing dilemma. He clearly saw the need for a stronger government. Henry Knox warned him that there were “combustibles in every State, which a spark might set fire to.” He himself feared that the spring of 1787 might bring scenes that would “astonish the world.”
At the same time, the General’s strict code of personal courtesy came into play. Washington was simply not a man who could now show up at the Cincinnati meeting and dismiss his earlier refusal with a wave of the hand. How, then, could he attend the Constitutional Convention without offending the society’s leaders, who were, after all, his old comrades-in-arms? Finally he left for Philadelphia, having decided to attend both meetings.
As it turned out, his soul-searching was unnecessary. Once again the Cincinnati greeted him with great affection and respect, and things went well. He was reelected president general with the understanding that Vice President Thomas Mifflin would handle all the active chores. And this time there was no testy public to contend with. Newspapers had widely publicized the revisions in the Institution proposed by the 1784 convention; but, unable to keep track of each state society’s protracted voting, they happily had failed to report that the changes had not been adopted. For all the public knew, whatever dangers the Cincinnati presented had been eliminated three years before.
But the order in itself was never a potent political force. In the early years of the nineteenth century it supported a plan that would have given half-pay for life to officers of Washington’s army.
William died on November 4, 1791 at Ft. Recovery in Mercer County, Ohio, at age 48.1 His cause of death was said to be injuries incurred in a battle with indians while under the command of General St. Clair.2
Shortly after William's death Sarah sold the Piatt Cottage to David Vail Jr, he sold it back to the Shotwells in September, 1809.3
He was a charter member of the Order of Cincinnati and attended the organization meeting of army officers at General von-Steuben's headquarters in the Verplanck house, near Fishkill, New York on May 13, 1783.3
(Note: The following excerpt was taken from "The Battle on the Banks of the Wabash -- The Battle of Fort Recovery 1794" written by Fort Recovery’s elementary principal Nancy Knapke)
Two very significant battles in American history took place in Fort Recovery: the first in 1791 on the banks of the Wabash when Arthur St. Clair suffered a disastrous defeat at the hands of 1,000 to 1,500 Indian warriors; the second in 1794 when Mad Anthony Wayne’s men successfully defended the fort against a relentless, two day onslaught of 2,000+ Indians who were under the command of Little Turtle and Blue Jacket. This last battle led to the signing of the Treaty of Greeneville in 1795.
After the Revolutionary War many citizens of the 13 states began to come across the Appalachian Mountains to settle the rich lands of the Northwest Territory. The Native Americans greatly resented this intrusion onto their land and proceeded to employ every measure possible to frighten the settlers back to the East. Hearing the pleas for protections coming from the Northwest Territory, President Washington sent General Harmar and the small American army to "teach the Indians a lesson."
The general and his army were the ones to be surprised and embarrassed. After Harmar’s humiliating loss, Arthur St. Clair was put in charge of raising an army and finding a way to make the Ohio Country safe for settlement by the white man. He was an appropriate choice since he had military leadership experience during the French and Indian War and the Revolutionary War and because he was very familiar with the Northwest Territory, having served as its first governor.
With this army Arthur St. Clair began his journey up through the Northwest Territory in the fall of 1791. Since the army was proceeding through virgin forest land, the progress was very slow. With hatchets and axes, the army proceeded to cut a road from Fort Washington (Cincinnati) to the north. St. Clair believed that if a series of forts were built through this territory, the mere presence of the forts would encourage the Indians to behave.
It was on November 3, 1791, that St. Clair’s American Army arrived on the banks of the Wabash River thinking that it was the St. Marys River. Although everyone was aware that there was much Indiana activity about the area, the tired and demoralized men pitched camp without erecting any kind of fortifications.
Early the next morning, the Indians attacked in numbers never anticipated. The Kentucky militiamen who were to be the first line of defense, were rendered helpless at the sight of the war painted faces and the sound of blood curdling cries as the Indian warriors swooped down upon them. Not only did the militia not hold their line of defense, but they totally threw the artillerymen into a state of confusion as they rushed across the river and straight into the artillery camp. The militia had hopes of finding safety within the main body of the army.
Within one hour’s time, the Indians had the American Army totally surrounded and within three hours, 900 to 1,200 soldiers lay dead or mortally wounded. It was obvious from the beginning that it would be an impossible victory for the army, but because they were surrounded, retreat was impossible. Finally, Colonel Darke lead a charge which drove a wedge through the Indian army and enabled those soldiers and civilians who were able to escape down the road to Fort Jefferson. General St. Clair did survive the battle -- even though he had four horses shot out from under him. Major General Richard Butler and many other officers lost their lives during the battle.
Mad Anthony Wayne was appointed by Washington to succeed St. Clair as the Commander-in-Chief of the army. Wayne made it clear from the outset that he was in charge and that he would have an army of 2,600 well trained, disciplined men....
On June 30, 1794, a combined Native American Army of over 2,000 warriors, under the command of Little Turtle of the Miamis and Blue Jacket of the Shawnees, made a frontal attack upon the fort. Around the outside of the fort were camped 100 sharpshooters under the command of Major McMahan. Before McMahan and his men could be safely worked within the protective walls of the fort, the Major and 50 of his men were killed. But the addition of the 50 surviving riflemen to the garrison of 200+ soldiers within the fort proved to be instrumental to the defense of Fort Recovery.
Following the attack on the morning of June 30, a two day battle ensued. The obvious difference between the circumstances of this battle and that of 1791 was the presence of the fort. Although the odds in the second battle were much worse as compared to St. Clair’s defeat, the structure of the fort gave the soldiers the protection they needed to successfully defend themselves. As a result, after two days of bloody battle the Indian confederation gave up their assault on Fort Recovery.
http://www.fortrecovery.org/history.htm.
Ft. Recovery, Ohio

Family 1

Jemima Quick b. 1757
Child

Family 2

Sarah Shotwell b. 1756, d. 1841
Children

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.
  2. [S5821] Family Tree titled "Pierson/Hanke Family Ties," Ancestry World Tree.
  3. [S5818] Robert V. Hoffman, Another Olde Towne Scrapbook.

James Mortimer Piatt1

M, #32039, b. November 10, 1779, d. June, 1825
Father*Captain William Piatt1 b. October 1, 1743, d. November 4, 1791
Mother*Sarah Shotwell1 b. 1756, d. 1841
     James Mortimer Piatt, son of Captain William Piatt and Sarah Shotwell, was born on November 10, 1779 in Scotch Plains, Union County, New Jersey.1
James died in June, 1825 in East Bend, Boone County, Kentucky, at age 45.2

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.
  2. [S5821] Family Tree titled "Pierson/Hanke Family Ties," Ancestry World Tree.

Frances "Fanny" Piatt1

F, #32040, b. February 18, 1782, d. 1783
Father*Captain William Piatt1 b. October 1, 1743, d. November 4, 1791
Mother*Sarah Shotwell1 b. 1756, d. 1841
     Frances "Fanny" Piatt, daughter of Captain William Piatt and Sarah Shotwell, was born on February 18, 1782 in Scotch Plains, Union County, New Jersey.1
Frances died in 1783.2

Citations

  1. [S5820] Family Tree titled "Familiy of Eldon G. Keefer," Ancestry World Tree.
  2. [S5821] Family Tree titled "Pierson/Hanke Family Ties," Ancestry World Tree.